The campaign attracted hundreds of thousands of followers and was one of the first places to call for protests on January 25th. In Egypt however, the failure of state authority did play a part in the revolution. Put simply, violent acts from those who seek freedom are seen as heroic because they pursue happiness.
In the case of the Egyptian revolution, violence from the police was common-case and a reported were killed and 6, injured throughout the protests. Fahmy: , Daily News Egypt This included fatal shots fired from the rooftops of the American University of Cairo directly at protesters in Tahrir Square but does not include those who suffered minor injuries caused by tear gas inhalation.
Fahmy: The level of sustained violence throughout the 18 days does not correlate with the increasing number of protesters. In theory, protesters should have retreated, not grown in numbers. Its egalitarianism came from the shared exposure of the proletariat to the rationale of their social situation. The disparity between the richest and poorest in Egypt became clearer as inflation and unemployment rose over the past decade.
Davies explains his J-curve theory as an acceptable gap between reality and expectations. According to Davies, over time the gap for satisfaction between reality and expectations breaks down. Davies J-curve may help to explain the built up dissatisfaction with the Egyptian regime over time. He attributes this effect beyond financial disparity pointing to the need for equal dignity and justice p. The slogans which suffice to justify violence for most participants in strife may be derived from complex ideologies […] Slogans invested with recollection of grievance and violence can serve as well or better than ideology to justify political violence.
Middle Easterners want basic human rights, dignity, and a chance at a decent future — good jobs at liveable wages. Or were its origins in with the birth of the Kefaya Enough! Did it start in March when we took to the streets protesting against the US bombing of Iraq and when we occupied Tahrir for a few hours? Or did it begin in March when the Israeli Prime Minister paid his ill-fated visit to al-Haram al-Sharif in Jerusalem, prompting thousands of Egyptian university students to spill out of their university gates to demonstrate in solidarity with the Second Palestinian Intifada?
My colleagues on the committee and I pondered these questions, and probed even more difficult ones. Were we demonstrating against the endemic use of torture by the Egyptian police? Or did the revolution have deeper roots still? That revolution offered us another debased choice: giving up our constitutional and political rights in exchange for social and economic rights. Were we rebelling to assert our entitlement to have both kinds of rights — constitutional and political, as well as social and economic?
Egyptians who took to the streets on 25 January overwhelmed the police by our numbers, determination and tenacity in just three days.
Or did the revolution have even deeper roots? Perhaps we were protesting against the intrinsic military character of the modern Egyptian state — a state put in place by Mehmed Ali in Mehmed Ali, a Macedonian adventurer, set about to change the status of Egypt from a mere province of the Ottoman Empire to a special realm that he and his sons could rule for a hundred years. In doing so, he founded an army that would dominate all aspects of Egyptian life and forever change the nature of the country.
Were we specifically rebelling against the state that was created as a result of founding this army, an army that forced peasants to serve dynastic interests that made no sense to them, to struggle for causes in which they did not believe, and to die in wars that were not theirs?
These are the questions that I faced when I undertook to chair the committee that was to document the January revolution. The questions made me see that Egyptians were revolting not only against Mubarak and his cronies, but against a state that, to paraphrase Karl Marx, came dripping from head to foot, from every pore, with dirt and blood.
The modern Egyptian state was not founded on the flimsiest notion of constitutionalism or the rule of law. We entered into no social contract that tied us to our ruler, who descended on us with his ilk like vultures ravaging town and country. It is a state that has repeatedly failed its citizens, is inherently despotic, and suffers from a foundational legitimacy crisis.
For the past years, Egyptians have not spared any effort in rebelling against this tyrannical state. However, claims by domestic and international groups provided cellphone videos or first-hand accounts of hundreds of cases of police brutality.
The Egyptian Organization for Human Rights documented 30 cases of torture during the year In numerous trials defendants alleged that police tortured them during questioning. During the year activists and observers circulated some amateur cellphone videos documenting the alleged abuse of citizens by security officials.
For example, on 8 February, a blogger posted a video of two police officers, identified by their first names and last initials, sodomizing a bound naked man named Ahmed Abdel Fattah Ali with a bottle. On 12 August, the same blogger posted two videos of alleged police torture of a man in a Port Said police station by the head of investigations, Mohammed Abu Ghazala. There was no indication that the government investigated either case. The world is watching to see how it will affect their political and economic relationships with one another The Egyptians revolted against the iron-fisted hand of the Egyptian president, Hosni Mubarak, over three main authorities in Egypt, which are the legislative authority, the executive authority, and the judicial authority.
Privatization today The Egyptian economy was affected as a result of the mass revolution that was launched in January ultimately leading to the overthrow of the Mubarak regime.
The sailing times from London to Bombay were dramatically cut and British maps and ideas of the world had to be drastically altered. Approximately deaths 16 were reported during the uprisings and any attempt in linking these heroic deaths with Y-Gen greed would not be responded to well. Moneyweek Magazine blogger Merryn Somerset Webb argues that having such a strong youth population helps prosper any nation, as seen in India and China, as their workforce is more competitive and flexible.
Education The Washington Post : pp. Sure, it's a good thing when they are either working or expecting to work soon inside a relatively democratic society that they feel gives them a voice 19 In relating such a statement to Egypt, it was the very fact that Egypt has such a young population that fuelled the protests and brought down Mubaraks regime.
We can also intellectually assume that a system so embedded with corruption would have far from seen the economic reforms needed to allow structural economic policies be implemented in allowing jobs to be created. Was it a democratic society? Dr Gervasio identified the early signs of discontent from the elections, with many witnessing the manipulation of the NDP to hold an overwhelming majority It was the evident signs of a lack of democracy that witnessed the early willingness of Egypts shabab to bring about change.
Egypts Y-Generation, unable to see progression in life due to the oppression of the regime, as well as inability of the regime to mend their grievances, saw the youth spearhead the uprisings from January 25th. It was not the stereotypical greed of the generation, but rather the insistence on shredding the struggles the youth faced in the modern day and demand for a better future, that saw them take to Egypts streets and uprise against the regime.
In his book on the state of Egypt22, author Alaa Al-Aswany outlines how different groups and factions stemming across Egypts vast society, came together to identify with each other 19 Ibid. This was evident with the vast array of Egypts social classes that saw the coming together of different factions of Egypts society would undoubtedly see them bring their more personal complaints. The labour unions, a long time enemy and target of the regime, fought for minimum wages in Egypts mainly manufacturing based industries.
Long having to undertake a fight over the years to achieve such as goal, their futile attempts never came as a surprise when such factory owners were affiliated with Mubaraks NDP.
The disparity between the richest and poorest in Egypt became clearer as inflation and unemployment rose over the past decade. As a matter of fact, Wahba provides that it was the tyrannical rule of former President Hosni Mubarak that inadvertently led to the resentment expressed by the general public at Tahrir Square.
On 12 August, the same blogger posted two videos of alleged police torture of a man in a Port Said police station by the head of investigations, Mohammed Abu Ghazala. A Lesson in Stark Contrast Two revolutions, years apart, were both started for noble causes in an effort to right human wrongs.
With the responsibility of feeding his large family, and his sole source of income now vanishing in an instant at the hands of the police, Mohamed Bouazizi immolates himself in front of local Government headquarters. Websites such as Facebook. Furthermore, as Arendt emphasises, beginning to analyse the changes that have resulted from those 18 days is challenging because the revolution is on going. The world is watching to see how it will affect their political and economic relationships with one another Most difficult of all were questions not about when and how the revolution ended — if ever it did — but when it began and where it originated. According to Davies, over time the gap for satisfaction between reality and expectations breaks down.
We set about planning how to accomplish the mammoth task ahead of us. Contrasting views have however been established. Copies of Sharp's list of non-violent "weapons", translated into Arabic and not always attributed to him, were circulated in Tahrir Square during its occupation. The key theoretical debate will be divided into four parts.